The first published history of the American Revolution made the case for fiscal prudence as a pillar of self-government.
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Richard Weaver understood that the best defense of tradition also requires a defense of liberty.
Lord Acton’s lectures on the French Revolution underscore the significance of federalism for reconciling liberty and democracy.
The vision of prudence Francisco Suárez provides can save virtue from a Machiavellian faithlessness.
Henry Maine saw the US Constitution as being able to resist the pernicious features of popular government.
The Scottish philosopher George Turnbull may not be well-remembered today, but his vision for education can remind us what its true purposes are.
Josiah Tucker condemned revolutionaries and democrats in the same breath as he supported immigration and denounced war and empire.
In his lectures on civilization and representation, the French statesman found new ways to defend liberty against revolutionaries and reactionaries alike.
F. W. Maitland’s sketch of modern political economy helps us distinguish realistic and utopian strands within classical liberalism.
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From Hume’s moderation to Mill’s scientism, Shirley Letwin traced how our conception of politics has jettisoned restraint in favor of utopianism.
The Federalist does more than merely explain how the Constitution is supposed to work—it provides a civic education America must recover.
Ludwig von Mises’s World War I-era warnings about the threats to classical liberal order remain all too relevant in the modern world.
In the Present Discontents, Burke laid out his constitutional theory, including his famous defense of political parties.
Weaver’s Southern Essays provide a beautiful and tragic vision of a world that has passed away.
Liberty Fund’s edition of Hayek’s book The Sensory Order proves the Austrian economist made major contributions to psychology.